In July, many Glaswegians and residents of West and Central Scotland are familiar with the tradition of Orange Order parades. While these events celebrate cultural heritage and make bold political statements, they are often tainted by extremism and sectarianism. The parades deepen divisions and heighten tensions, particularly in Glasgow’s football and religious landscape. This atmosphere of intolerance and conflict is especially evident in debates on Scottish independence, where the parades only amplify existing political fractures.
With the general election approaching on 4 July and the climax of the marching season on 6 July, involving nearly 3,500 participants and over 50 Orange Lodges in Glasgow, these cultural displays highlight deep-seated community divisions. They underscore the importance of addressing sectarian issues, urging politicians to engage with these longstanding concerns.
Demographic Shifts and Voting Trends
The 2022 Scottish Government census shows 20.4% of the population identifies as Protestant, while 13.3% identifies as Catholic. In Scotland Catholics often support Scottish independence due to historical grievances and aspirations for greater autonomy tied to Irish nationalism and a united Ireland. Protestants, on the other hand, typically favour unionism and the crown, viewing the United Kingdom as essential to their cultural and political identity. Most respondents claim no religious affiliation, marking a significant change in a country once deeply divided by faith. Since the 2014 Scottish referendum, the new divide has realigned with supporters of “Yes” and “No” to independence. A YouGov poll on 18 June 2024, indicates voters are split, with 29% voting to influence independence outcomes and 25% voting to affect which party forms the UK government.
Social Media Reach
The Orange Order is motivated by a desire to preserve the union, using social media for easier organisation. For example, the Loyal Orange Institution of Scotland posted on Facebook on June 18th:
“Today is the last day (11:59 pm) to register for a postal vote. Make sure your vote counts. If you are not sure who to vote for in your area, use your mobile phone in picture mode, viewing the Unionist Club barcode below, then click on the yellow sign to take you to their page.”
This directed followers to “Unionist Clubs Scotland.”
In May 2021, they urged members:
“As we approach the Scottish Parliament elections next Thursday, we remind everyone to vote for the Unionist party most likely to defeat the separatists. Maintain the Union. SNP out.”
Unionist Clubs Scotland promotes similar messages, endorsed by different lodges. On 26 May, they posted:
“As we gear up for the parading season, let’s also remember to add to our celebrations by making our country nationalist-free. Unionist Clubs Scotland can help you register to vote and identify the best candidates in your area.”
They have launched a tactical voting campaign, providing recommendations on defeating the SNP, using easy-to-share imagery and open forums to facilitate discussions.
Sectarianism and Legislative Measures
Sectarianism remains significant in Scotland. Sectarian offences rose 24% by 2020, as reported by the Crown Office and Procurator Fiscal Service (COPFS), underscoring the need for effective measures like the Hate Crime Bill. In May 2024, violent clashes between Rangers and Celtic supporters in Glasgow highlighted sectarian tensions after significant cup games. This coincided with the Scottish Hate Crime Bill debate. A prominent Conservative MSP said he “suspects” and “fears” fans could exploit the new Hate Crime law to submit “fake” complaints against each other in relation to the Old Firm rivalry.
In April 2024, sectarian vandalism in Clackmannanshire incited violence against the Catholic community. Previous incidents include anti-Catholic vandalism in 2022 and in 2023. The Hate Crime Bill aims to improve community relations by criminalising such acts. Police Scotland stated, “Religious prejudice in any form will not be tolerated.”
Political Influence of the Orange Order
The Orange Order has historically influenced Scottish politics, particularly regarding the union with the UK. As the general election nears, their activities and messaging intensify. They focus on preserving the union and countering the SNP through parades, social media campaigns, and public endorsements.
Football fanbases also exploit political divisions online. Groups like Celtic’s Green Brigade and Rangers’ Union Bears use pitch-side displays to influence political opinion. For example, Union Bears created banners related to political injustice speeches, while the Green Brigade promoted pro-Palestinian messages. These tactics aim to boost morale and influence political opinion. Recently, Celtic readmitted the Green Brigade, and Rangers relocated Union Bears to a more visible spot in the stadium, intertwining football, faith, and politics with attacks.
In 2017, the Grand Master of the Orange Order in Scotland noted an increase in elected local politicians among its membership. In the 2022 local elections, high-ranking Order representative Henry Dunbar was elected under Scottish Labour for Airdrie. This clearly shows the direct political influence gained by the Order and raises concerns about fair representation and inclusivity in a diverse society, particularly in an increasingly secular context. The visibility of Orange Order members in elected positions could worsen sectarian tensions and challenge the principles of secular governance and equal representation.
It raises the question, will the campaigns and messaging pay off for their members, supporters, and communities? Will they vote for Scottish Labour, Scottish Liberal Democrats, remain true blue with the Scottish Conservatives, or choose the new patriotic alternative of Reform?
This election has turned into a debate on British identity
This election has turned into a debate on British identity. Labour has reclaimed the Union Jack, claiming that “Labour is now the true party of English patriotism.” Meanwhile, the Conservatives promote posts claiming, “Britain is the second most powerful country in the world,” using imagery of the King and the English football team. They have also pushed for zero-tolerance immigration policies, such as the ‘stop the boats’ campaign and prioritising “British values,” which many argue have racist undertones. The Conservatives have increasingly adopted nationalist rhetoric, emphasising British exceptionalism and sovereignty. One Conservative MP called for a new campaign to “crack down on anti-Englishness,” further stoking nationalist sentiments.
Reform UK, led again by Nigel Farage, has joined this discourse with slogans like “Let’s make Britain great” and echoes Trump-like rhetoric, advocating for a complete stop to immigration and often engaging in divisive, inflammatory language. Farage’s leadership aligns Reform UK with a brand of nationalism that resonates with certain segments of the electorate but also contributes to the societal tensions and sectarianism observed in events like the Orange Order parades.
Symbolism, tradition, and identity matter deeply in Britain and Scotland. The Orange Order’s role transcends cultural symbolism, influencing electoral outcomes and the trajectory of Scottish politics. As the nation prepares to vote, the Order’s campaigns will continue to resonate, marking a pivotal moment in Scotland’s political journey amid the ongoing pursuit of British identity and nationalism, from Brexit to the independence debate and to the keys to no.10 Downing Street.
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