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Backwards for Indonesia’s democracy

Successive Indonesian leaders have undermined the democratic ideals that they professed on coming to power, a cycle that is sadly repeating today

Fikram Rettob by Fikram Rettob
09-04-2025 06:27
in World
Reading Time: 7 mins read
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The trajectory of Indonesia’s democratic development since its independence in 1945 has been marked by a series of transformations, oscillating between authoritarianism and aspirations for democratic governance.

Indonesian governance post-independence

In the early years following independence, the nation was led by President Soekarno, who envisioned Pancasila – the official, foundational philosophical theory of Indonesia, consisting of five principles that form the foundational values of the country. His administration embarked on grand developmental initiatives, often referred to as ‘lighthouse projects’, which symbolised national progress and self-reliance. 

However, in parallel with these ambitions, Soekarno implemented a system of Guided Democracy. This governance model centralised authority under the presidency, effectively diminishing the role of legislative institutions and opposition groups. While this system was designed to maintain political stability and unity in a diverse archipelagic nation, it ultimately fostered a climate of coercion and suppression of dissent, culminating in widespread political instability and mass demonstrations that ultimately led to the collapse of his administration.

The transition of power from Soekarno to Soeharto, 27 March 1968, marked the advent of the New Order regime, which initially promised the restoration of democratic principles and civil liberties. However, in practice, the New Order consolidated authoritarian rule, under which civil liberties were systematically curtailed, and democratic institutions were rendered subservient to the state’s central authority. 

The military, which had been instrumental in Soeharto’s rise to power, was granted an extensive role in governance, extending its influence not only in national security affairs but also in legislative and bureaucratic structures. The dual-function doctrine (Dwifungsi) institutionalised military involvement in civilian affairs, allowing military officers to occupy parliamentary seats and actively participate in policy formulation. Throughout this period, political dissent was met with severe repression, as demonstrations and criticisms of the government were frequently silenced through arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial measures designed to sustain the authoritarian status quo.

Reformasi: a new era?

Decades of repression under the New Order culminated in a turning point in 1998, when a severe economic crisis exacerbated public discontent, leading to widespread civil unrest. The student-led reform movement, supported by various civil society groups, mobilised mass demonstrations that ultimately forced Soeharto to step down, marking the beginning of the Reformasi era. This transition was characterised by a renewed commitment to democratic principles, including the re-establishment of civil supremacy over the military, electoral reforms to ensure free and fair elections, and structural adjustments to eliminate military involvement in civilian governance, restricting its function strictly to national defence. 

The Reformasi movement was anticipated to usher Indonesia into a new phase of democratic consolidation, ensuring greater political openness, respect for human rights, and an inclusive governance structure. However, despite these aspirations, the trajectory of Indonesia’s democracy remains subject to various challenges, reflecting the complexities of sustaining democratic norms in a post-authoritarian society.

After nearly three decades of reform, the democratic trajectory of Indonesia has shown signs of regression, particularly under the current leadership of President Prabowo Subianto and Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka. This decline is particularly evident in the weakening of civil supremacy and the erosion of democratic principles, as reflected in various government policies that fail to prioritise the welfare of the people. 

Key sectors such as education and healthcare, which are fundamental to societal progress and human development, have been marginalised within the government’s policy framework, with budgetary allocations reflecting a preference for efficiency over substantive investment in these crucial areas. Additionally, the administration has undertaken measures that have effectively expanded the influence of the military within civilian governance once more, a move that starkly contradicts the foundational objectives of the Reformasi movement. 

This reversal is most clearly exemplified in the ratification, 20 March 2025, of the revision to Law No. 34 of 2004 concerning the Indonesian National Army (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, or TNI), which has been formally enacted into law. This legislative amendment marks a significant departure from the post-1998 democratic consolidation efforts, which sought to restrict military involvement in non-defence matters and ensure civilian supremacy over military institutions.

The enactment of this legislation has triggered widespread public outcry and large-scale demonstrations across Indonesia, as civil society organisations, activists and scholars have expressed deep concerns over the implications of this policy shift. However, despite these significant waves of opposition, the government has persistently disregarded the demands of the people, reflecting an increasing disconnect between state decision-making processes and the democratic principle of popular sovereignty. 

The response from the state apparatus to these demonstrations has further exacerbated concerns regarding democratic backsliding, as security forces, including both the police and military personnel, have employed coercive measures to suppress dissent. Reports of intimidation, arrests, and the use of excessive force against demonstrators underscore the growing authoritarian tendencies within the current administration. These repressive measures not only undermine fundamental democratic rights, such as freedom of expression and the right to peaceful assembly, but also signal a broader regression towards an authoritarian style of governance that prioritises state control over civic engagement.

Democratic decline

From a theoretical perspective, the democratic decline observed in Indonesia can be analysed through the framework proposed by political sociologist, Seymour Martin Lipset, who identifies three fundamental indicators of democratic stability: civil liberties, public participation, and political contestation through general elections. In the case of Indonesia, all three of these indicators have exhibited alarming deterioration. 

First, civil liberties have been significantly curtailed, as evidenced by the increasing restrictions on freedom of speech, the criminalisation of dissent, and the suppression of mass protests through state violence. 

Second, public participation in governance has been severely undermined, as the legislative process surrounding the revision of Law No. 34 of 2004 on 20 March 2025, was conducted with minimal public engagement. The formulation and deliberation of the law were characterised by opacity, with limited avenues for public discourse and scrutiny, thereby violating the principles of democratic inclusivity and transparency. Furthermore, the inaccessibility of the legal draft to the general public reflects a deliberate attempt to exclude civil society from influencing the policymaking process. 

Third, the broader political contestation that underpins electoral democracy has also been compromised, as opposition voices are increasingly marginalised, and electoral mechanisms have been subject to manipulation, further consolidating power within elite political circles.

The future: a critical challenge

These structural regressions have culminated in widespread public disillusionment, symbolised by the emergence of the social media movement #IndonesiaGelap (Dark Indonesia), which encapsulates the growing sentiment of despair and frustration among Indonesian citizens. The phrase reflects a collective acknowledgment of the deteriorating state of democracy, as people perceive the government’s increasingly authoritarian tendencies as a betrayal of the democratic aspirations set forth during the Reformasi era. 

The confluence of declining civil liberties, diminishing public participation and a restricted political landscape presents a critical challenge to Indonesia’s democratic future, raising urgent questions about the resilience of its democratic institutions and the extent to which reformist ideals can withstand the pressures of political and military entrenchment.


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Fikram Rettob

Fikram Rettob

I am Fikram Rettob from Indonesia. I am currently pursuing a Master’s degree in Human Rights and International Politics at the University of Glasgow, Scotland. My academic and professional engagements are deeply rooted in the advocacy of human rights, democracy, politics, feminism, and literacy, with a particular focus on Indonesia. Since 2019, I am actively involved in human rights and literacy activism. Together with colleagues in Yogyakarta, I initiated efforts to collect and distribute books to remote areas of Indonesia where access to literacy resources remains significantly limited. Beyond my advocacy work, I have contributed to academic scholarship by publishing research. I can also be found on Google Scholar and on Research Gate

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