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How did Mossad penetrate the heart of the Islamic Republic of Iran?

Israel’s success in conducting security operations inside Iran has once again drawn attention to one of the most repressive regimes in the world

Nima Bahrami by Nima Bahrami
19-08-2025 16:54
in World
Reading Time: 8 mins read
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Picture with a person disguised as a wall representing Mossad infiltrating in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Image by Åsa K from Pixabay

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The theft of nuclear documents in Iran, the assassination of senior commanders in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and the targeted killing of nuclear and missile scientists – all reportedly carried out by Mossad – have been executed with astonishing precision inside a tightly controlled dictatorship. The fundamental question is: how has this level of penetration been possible?

The answer may not lie solely in Mossad’s capabilities, but rather in the political power structure of Iran and a closer look at recent developments within the regime.

Revolution

Following the 1979 revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini effectively dismantled the official military order by weakening the national army and creating a parallel force: the IRGC. As the revolutionary force of the new regime, the IRGC, from the very beginning, rejected bureaucratic structure and institutional accountability. Khomeini’s deep mistrust towards the army and formal state institutions led to a perception that revolutionary legitimacy equated to disorder, and that authority should be based on informal networks and ideological loyalty.

The revolutionary forces were largely untrained, and the nascent regime recruited not professionals, but ideologically committed individuals, devoted to the revolution.

Structure of power

Iran’s intelligence institutions all operate under the direct authority of the dictator. But they work in parallel, and with little coordination; often, in opposition to one another; and sometimes even in open rivalry. This reflects the classic ‘divide and rule’ policy implemented by the Supreme Leader to maintain personal control, while preventing any possibility of a coup.

The result is institutional confusion and fragmentation, creating cracks in the system – cracks that, for a professional intelligence agency like Mossad, function as half-open windows for infiltration. This system may be well-suited to sustaining authoritarian rule, but it is clearly ineffective against foreign intelligence penetration.

It must also be noted that the Islamic Republic of Iran is primarily concerned with purchasing loyalty, not expertise, which has only further depleted the regime of its most skilled personnel.

An unaccountable power

Ayatolla Khamenei, a weak successor to Ayatolla Khomeini, has relied heavily on the IRGC to eliminate his rivals and consolidate his hold on power. This support has come at a high cost: Khamenei granted the IRGC sweeping authority across all sectors, effectively transforming it into the dominant force.

Today, the IRGC can no longer be seen as merely a military institution. It exerts control over media, education, and even the judiciary. Its vast economic empire has swallowed up a significant portion of the Iranian economy, all while remaining exempt from taxation, oversight, or public accountability. This expansive role has not only fuelled widespread corruption, but has also diverted the IRGC’s focus from its original mission: safeguarding the revolution.

Simultaneously, the IRGC’s deep entrenchment within Iran’s formal institutions – from Parliament to the executive branch – has rendered it immune to criticism, regulation, or external control. In such an environment, if infiltration occurs within the IRGC, it will likely go undisclosed, uninvestigated, and uncorrected.

Domestic repression

The extreme level of repression has created a deep rift between the state and society. This brutal domestic crackdown has redirected the focus of intelligence agencies away from external threats and towards internal surveillance and control, generating widespread anger and resentment among citizens – sentiments that, at times, lead to collaboration with foreign actors.

Social fragmentation

It is only natural for any foreign intelligence service to exploit the political and social rifts within a hostile regime. Some of Mossad’s operatives and collaborators have not acted out of allegiance to Israel, but rather out of anger, despair, or personal motivations – willingly passing sensitive information about Tehran’s regime to Mossad.

The regime’s organised corruption, loss of legitimacy, and the ongoing waves of nationwide protests, have caused a sense of demoralisation, fear, and hopelessness among regime insiders. This widespread uncertainty about the future of the Islamic Republic is likely one of the key reasons behind the willingness of even high-ranking IRGC commanders to cooperate with Mossad.

Sanctions

Comprehensive international sanctions have imposed severe limitations on Iran. Mossad remains one of the world’s most advanced intelligence agencies in terms of access to cutting-edge technologies, while in contrast, many of the Islamic Republic’s security institutions still rely on outdated technologies and an overdependence on human resources.

Moreover, due to economic weakness and runaway inflation, buying the loyalty of regime insiders has become an easy and accessible option for rival powers.

Ideology

The regime’s ideologically driven foreign policy, including its perpetual hostility toward the West and its support for militant and terrorist groups, has led to Iran’s deep and widespread international isolation. This behaviour has resulted in the regime itself becoming a primary target for surveillance, espionage, and intelligence operations by Western agencies allied with Israel.

In this environment, the regime has been excluded from any meaningful intelligence cooperation, early warning mechanisms, or security partnerships with other states.

Black market

At the core of Iran’s military programmes lie the IRGC’s missile and nuclear activities – projects not only directed and commanded by the IRGC, but largely supported by its overseas arm: the Quds Force.

Due to sanctions, these programmes operate in a highly informal, secretive environment, completely outside of the global commercial system. To acquire specific nuclear components, specialised equipment, and advanced missile technologies, the IRGC relies on engagement with the black market This has linked the IRGC to a web of intermediaries, front companies, arms traffickers, and corruption channels.

As a result, these very programmes have created pathways for deeper infiltration by foreign powers into Iran’s military and security structure. For the sake of survival, the regime has become increasingly dependent on players like Russia and China, thus granting them increased influence over, and access to, Iran. Projects that, on the surface, are meant to make Iran stronger, have in reality, done the opposite.

Moreover, these opaque, rent-seeking dealings provide ideal conditions for intelligence infiltration. Western intelligence agencies have long monitored global black market networks and, by tracking transactions and intermediaries, have successfully penetrated the Iranian security apparatus from within.

Lack of elite rotation

One of the defining features of the regime is its managerial stagnation. Unlike many governments that periodically reshuffle leadership roles to maintain innovation, Iran has consistently avoided any form of elite rotation. Many top officials have held their positions for decades without any change.

This inertia has not only led to institutional decay but has also created a closed and inflexible system – one that is acutely vulnerable to modern intelligence threats.

Conclusion

If one sentence could describe the root cause of Iran’s failure to resist Mossad’s infiltration, it would be this: Iran has not been defeated from the outside – the system has rotted from within.

At the heart of this crisis lies the autocratic leadership of Khamenei – a leader who has built a system unable to respond to modern threats. Countries like Iran, North Korea, Russia, and even China, may still project hard power, but they remain incapable of matching the dynamism of democratic systems.

Perhaps it is time for the Islamic Republic of Iran to learn this: What saves nations is not nuclear or missile programmes, an armed, brutal, or ideologically rigid regime, or an authoritarian structure, but a democratic, transparent, and accountable governance. A system in which the people are not merely subjects or victims; they are decision-makers, citizens who are afforded dignity and human rights, and who represent the strongest line of defence for their country.


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Nima Bahrami

Nima Bahrami

Nima Bahrami, born in 1981 in Iran, holds a doctorate in veterinary medicine. Despite his background, his true passion lies in history, human rights, literature and philosophy. In 2022, he immigrated to Britain, where he was awarded a postgraduate scholarship in human rights. Bahrami is a prolific writer, having authored numerous articles and books. His latest work, "Faqih Mar doosh," skilfully blends ancient Iranian literature with contemporary history and political sociology.

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